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Stefano Schena, M.D., Ph.D.

• Assistant Professor of Surgery

https://www.hopkinsmedicine.org/profiles/results/directory/profile/10004105/stefano-schena

Five-Factor Model Five broad domains or dimensions that are used to describe human personality womens health 2014 order generic ginette-35 on-line. Narcissistic A pervasive pattern of grandiosity (in fantasy or behavior) breast cancer zero stage discount 2mg ginette-35 mastercard, need for admiration menstruation education generic 2 mg ginette-35 with visa, and lack of empathy pregnancy exhaustion cheap ginette-35 2mg without a prescription. Obsessive-compulsive A pervasive pattern of preoccupation with orderliness menstruation issues 2 mg ginette-35 overnight delivery, perfectionism breast cancer yard decorations cheap 2mg ginette-35 amex, and mental and interpersonal control, at the expense of flexibility, openness, and efficiency. Paranoid A pervasive distrust and suspiciousness of others such that their motives are interpreted as malevolent. Personality Characteristic, routine ways of thinking, feeling, and relating to others. Personality Disorders 1262 Personality disorders When personality traits result in significant distress, social impairment, and/or occupational impairment. Schizoid A pervasive pattern of detachment from social relationships and a restricted range of expression of emotions in interpersonal settings. Schizotypal A pervasive pattern of social and interpersonal deficits marked by acute discomfort with, and reduced capacity for, close relationships as well as perceptual distortions and eccentricities of behavior. Practice guidelines for the treatment of patients with borderline personality disorder. Illuminating a neglected clinical issue: Societal costs of interpersonal dependency and dependent personality disorder. Testing predictions from personality neuroscience: Brain structure and the Big Five. Paradigm shift to the integrative Big Five trait Personality Disorders 1264 taxonomy: History, measurement, and conceptual issues. Plate tectonics in the classification of personality disorder: Shifting to a dimensional model. This module provides an overview of dissociative disorders, including the definitions of dissociation, its origins and competing theories, and their relation to traumatic experiences and sleep problems. Some portion of your attention was on the activity at hand, but most of your conscious mind was wrapped up in fantasy. What if they intruded your waking consciousness unannounced, causing you to lose track of reality or experience the loss of time. This is similar to what people who suffer from dissociative disorders may experience. Dissociative disorders encompass an array of symptoms ranging from memory loss (amnesia) for autobiographical events, to changes in identity and the experience of everyday reality (American Psychiatric Association, 2000). In the 1990s, there were hundreds of people diagnosed with multiple personality in every major city in the United States (Hacking, 1995). One possible explanation might be the media attention that was given to the disorder. This book, and later the movie, was one of the first to speak of multiple personality disorder. She was one of the first to relate multiple personality to childhood sexual abuse. Probably, this relation between childhood abuse and dissociation has fueled the increase of numbers of multiples from that time on. It motivated therapists to actively seek for clues of childhood abuse in their dissociative patients. This suited well within the mindset of the 1980s, as childhood abuse was a sensitive issue then in psychology as well as in politics (Hacking, 1995). From then on, many movies and books were made on the subject of multiple personality, and nowadays, we see patients with dissociative identity disorder as guests visiting the Oprah Winfrey show, as if they were our modern-day circus acts. A distinction is often made between dissociative states and dissociative traits. State dissociation is viewed Dissociative Disorders 1268 as a transient symptom, which lasts for a few minutes or hours. Dissociative symptoms occur in patients but also in the general population, like you and me. Therefore, dissociation has commonly been conceptualized as ranging on a continuum, from nonsevere manifestations of daydreaming to more severe disturbances typical of dissociative disorders (Bernstein & Putnam, 1986). Dissociative Amnesia (extensive forgetting typically associated with highly aversive events); 2. Dissociative Fugue (short-lived reversible amnesia for personal identity, involving unplanned travel or wandering); 3. Maybe you can also imagine what it would be like if you felt like a robot, deprived of all feelings. Imagine that the world around you seems as if you are living in a movie, or looking through a fog. Dissociative amnesia does not refer to permanent memory loss, similar to the erasure of a computer disk, but rather to the hypothetical disconnection of memories from conscious inspection (Steinberg, 2001). A self report measure is a type of psychological test in which a person completes a survey or questionnaire with or without the help of an investigator. When somebody scores a high level of dissociation on this scale, this does not necessarily mean that he or she is suffering from a dissociative disorder. It does, however, give an indication to investigate the symptoms more extensively. Dissociation and Trauma the most widely held perspective on dissociative symptoms is that they reflect a defensive Dissociative Disorders 1270 response to highly aversive events, mostly trauma experiences during the childhood years (Bremner, 2010; Spiegel et al. One prominent interpretation of the origins of dissociative disorders is that they are the direct result of exposure to traumatic experiences. In this view, individuals rely on dissociation to escape from painful memories (Gershuny & Thayer, 1999). Once they have learned to use this defensive coping mechanism, it can become automatized and habitual, even emerging in response to minor stressors (Van der Hart & Horst, 1989). The idea that dissociation can serve a defensive function can be traced back to Pierre Janet (1899/1973), one of the first scholars to link dissociation to psychological trauma (Hacking, 1995). Causality and evidence the empirical evidence that trauma leadsto dissociative symptoms is the subject of intense debate (Kihlstrom, 2005; Bremner, 2010; Giesbrecht, Lynn, Lilienfeld & Merckelbach, 2010). First, the majority of studies reporting links between self-reported trauma and dissociation are based on cross-sectional designs. This makes it difficult to state if one thing led to another, and therefore if the relation between the two is causal. Thus, the data that these designs yield do not allow for strong causal claims (Merckelbach & Muris, 2002). Second, whether somebody has experienced a trauma is often established using a questionnaire that the person completes himself or herself. Individuals suffering from dissociative symptoms typically Dissociative Disorders 1271 have high fantasy proneness. The tendency to fantasize a lot may increase the risk at exaggerating or understating self-reports of traumatic experiences (Merckelbach et al. Third, high dissociative individuals report more cognitive failures than low dissociative individuals. Cognitive failures are everyday slips and lapses, such as failing to notice signposts on the road, forgetting appointments, or bumping into people. People who frequently make such slips and lapses often mistrust their own cognitive capacities. They also tend to overvalue the hints and cues provided by others (Merckelbach, Horselenberg, & Schmidt, 2002; Merckelbach, Muris, Rassin, & Horselenberg, 2000). This makes them vulnerable to suggestive information, which may distort self-reports, and thus limits conclusions that can be drawn from studies that rely solely on self-reports to investigate the trauma-dissociation link (Merckelbach & Jelicic, 2004). They proposed that due to their dreamlike character, dissociative symptoms such as derealization, depersonalization, and absorption are associated with sleep-related experiences. They further noted that sleep-related experiences can explain the relation between highly aversive events and dissociative symptoms (Giesbrecht et al. In the following paragraph, the relation between dissociation and sleep will be discussed. Dissociation and Sleep A little history Researchers (Watson, 2001) have proposed that dissociative symptoms, such as absorption, derealization, and depersonalization originate from sleep. The many similarities between dreaming states and dissociative symptoms are also a recurrent theme in the more recent clinical literature. Sleep problems in patients with dissociative disorders Anecdotal evidence supports the idea that sleep disruptions are linked to dissociation. For example, in patients with depersonalization disorder, symptoms are worst when they are tired (Simeon & Abugel, 2006). Interestingly, among participants who report memories of childhood sexual abuse, experiences of sleep paralysis typically are accompanied by raised levels of dissociative symptoms (McNally & Clancy, 2005; Abrams, Mulligan, Carleton, & Asmundson, 2008). Recent research points to fairly specific relationships between certain sleep complaints. Studying the relationship between dissociation and sleep In the general population, both dissociative symptoms and sleep problems are highly prevalent. For example, 29 percent of American adults report sleep problems (National Sleep Foundation, 2005). This allows researchers to study the relationship between dissociation and sleep not only in patients but also in the general population. This relationship has been studied extensively ever since, leading to three important statements. This means that the same results (namely that dissociation and sleep problems are related) have been found in lots of different studies, using different groups, and different materials. All lead to the Dissociative Disorders 1273 conclusion that unusual sleep experiences and dissociative symptoms are linked. For example, dream recall frequency was related to dissociation (Suszek & Kopera, 2005). Individuals who reported three or more nightmares over a three-week period showed higher levels of dissociation compared to individuals reporting two nightmares or less (Levin & Fireman, 2002), and a relation was found between dream intensity and dissociation (Yu et al. Another study investigated a group of borderline personality disorder patients and found that 49% of them suffered from nightmare disorder. Moreover, the patients with nightmare disorder displayed higher levels of dissociation than patients not suffering from nightmare disorder (Semiz, Basoglu, Ebrinc, & Cetin, 2008). To sum up, there seems to be a strong relationship between dissociative symptoms and unusual sleep experiences that is evident in a range of phenomena, including waking dreams, nightmares, and sleepwalking. Inducing and reducing sleep problems Sleep problems can be induced in healthy participants by keeping them awake for a long duration of time. If dissociative symptoms are fueled by a labile sleep-wake cycle, then sleep loss would be expected to intensify dissociative symptoms. Some evidence that this might work was already found in 2001, when soldiers who underwent a U. Army survival training, which included sleep deprivation, showed increases in dissociative symptoms (Morgan et al. Other researchers conducted a study that tracked 25 healthy volunteers during one day and one night of sleep loss. They found that dissociative symptoms increased substantially after one night of sleep loss (Giesbrecht, Smeets, Leppink, Jelicic, & Merckelbach, 2007).

Personality traits give an indication about how people will act on average womens healthcare associates boca raton order ginette-35 now, but frequently they are not so good at predicting how a person will act in a specific situation at a certain moment in time pregnancy 6 weeks spotting cheapest ginette-35. Thus menstrual gingivitis discount 2mg ginette-35 otc, to best capture broad traits breast cancer in men statistics order ginette-35 with american express, one must assess aggregate behaviors women's health problems in sri lanka best buy for ginette-35, averaged over time and across many different types of situations womens health 48858 order ginette-35 2mg amex. Most modern personality researchers agree that there is a place for broad personality traits and for the narrower units such as those studied by Walter Mischel. Please use the rating scale below to describe how accurately each statement describes you. Describe yourself as you Personality Traits 904 generally are now, not as you wish to be in the future. Describe yourself as you honestly see yourself, in relation to other people you know of the same sex as you are, and roughly your same age. Please read each statement carefully, and put a number from 1 to 5 next to it to describe how accurately the statement describes you. Cross out the score you put when you took the scale, and put the new number in representing your score subtracted from the number 6. For example, low on Extraversion is Introversion, low on Openness is Conventional, and low on Agreeableness is Assertive. Consider different combinations of the Big Five, such as O (Low), C (High), E (Low), A (High), and N (Low). Can you select politicians, movie stars, and other famous people and rate them on the Big Five How do you think learning and inherited personality traits get combined in adult personality Can you think of a personality trait not mentioned in this module that describes how people differ from one another When do extremes in personality traits become harmful, and when are they unusual but productive of good outcomes People low in agreeableness tend to be rude, hostile, and to pursue their own interests over those of others. Continuous distributions Characteristics can go from low to high, with all different intermediate values possible. One does not simply have the trait or not have it, but can possess varying amounts of it. Facets Broad personality traits can be broken down into narrower facets or aspects of the trait. For example, extraversion has several facets, such as sociability, dominance, risk-taking and so forth. Factor analysis A statistical technique for grouping similar things together according to how highly they are associated. Five-Factor Model (also called the Big Five) the Five-Factor Model is a widely accepted model of personality traits. These five traits are Openness, Conscientiousness, Extraversion, Agreeableness, and Neuroticism. The sixth Personality Traits 909 factor, Honesty-Humility [H], is unique to this model. Independent Two characteristics or traits are separate from one another- a person can be high on one and low on the other, or vice-versa. Some correlated traits are relatively independent in that although there is a tendency for a person high on one to also be high on the other, this is not always the case. Lexical hypothesis the lexical hypothesis is the idea that the most important differences between people will be encoded in the language that we use to describe people. Therefore, if we want to know which personality traits are most important, we can look to the language that people use to describe themselves and others. Neuroticism A personality trait that reflects the tendency to be interpersonally sensitive and the tendency to experience negative emotions like anxiety, fear, sadness, and anger. Personality Enduring predispositions that characterize a person, such as styles of thought, feelings and behavior. Personality traits Enduring dispositions in behavior that show differences across individuals, and which tend to characterize the person across varying types of situations. Person-situation debate the person-situation debate is a historical debate about the relative power of personality traits as compared to situational influences on behavior. The situationist critique, which started the person-situation debate, suggested that people overestimate the extent to which personality traits are consistent across situations. The neuropsychology of anxiety: An enquiry into the functions of the septo-hippocampal system (second edition). Validation of the five-factor model of personality across instruments and observers. Over the past 100 years, psychologists have approached the study of self (and the related concept of identity) in many different ways, but three central metaphors for the self repeatedly emerge. First, the self may be seen as a social actor, who enacts roles and displays traits by performing behaviors in the presence of others. Second, the self is a motivated agent, who acts upon inner desires and formulates goals, values, and plans to guide behavior in the future. This module briefly reviews central ideas and research findings on the self as an actor, an agent, and an author, with an emphasis on how these features of selfhood develop over the human life course. They have formulated many theories and tested countless hypotheses that speak to the central question of human selfhood: How does a person know who he or she is Moreover, when you We work on ourselves as we would any other interesting project. And try to change your self in some way, when we do we generally focus on three psychological categories what is it that you are trying to change The Social Actor, the Motivated Agent, and the Autobiographical the philosopher Charles Taylor (1989) Author. In modern life, Taylor agues, we often try to manage, discipline, refine, improve, or develop the self. Or you might decide to be nicer to your mother, in order to improve that important social role. Or maybe the key is to begin thinking about your whole life story in a completely different way, in a way that you hope will bring you more happiness, fulfillment, peace, or excitement. Although there are many different ways you might reflect upon and try to improve the self, it turns out that many, if not most, of them fall roughly into three broad psychological categories (McAdams & Cox, 2010). The I may encounter the Me as (a) a social actor, (b) a motivated agent, or (c) an autobiographical author. What Shakespeare may have sensed but could not have fully understood is that human beings evolved to live in social groups. Beginning with Darwin (1872/1965) and running through contemporary conceptions of human evolution, scientists have portrayed human nature as profoundly social (Wilson, 2012). We years, Homo sapiens and their evolutionary play roles and follow scripts every day. As social animals, human beings strive to get along and get ahead in the presence of each other (Hogan, 1982). Evolution has prepared us to care deeply about social acceptance and social status, for those unfortunate individuals who do not get along well in social groups or who fail to attain a requisite status among their peers have typically been severely compromised when it comes to survival and reproduction. It makes consummate evolutionary sense, therefore, that the human "I" should apprehend the "Me" first and foremost as a social actor. Self and Identity 914 For human beings, the sense of the self as a social actor begins to emerge around the age of 18 months. Numerous studies have shown that by the time they reach their second birthday most toddlers recognize themselves in mirrors and other reflecting devices (Lewis & Brooks Gunn, 1979; Rochat, 2003). These emotions tell the social actor how well he or she is performing in the group. When I violate a social rule, I may experience guilt, which may motivate me to make amends. Many of the classic psychological theories of human selfhood point to the second year of life as a key developmental period. For example, Freud (1923/1961) and his followers in the psychoanalytic tradition traced the emergence of an autonomous ego back to the second year. Erikson (1963) argued that experiences of trust and interpersonal attachment in the first year of life help to consolidate the autonomy of the ego in the second. Coming from a more sociological perspective, Mead (1934) suggested that the I comes to know the Me through reflection, which may begin quite literally with mirrors but later involves the reflected appraisals of others. I come to know who I am as a social actor, Mead argued, by noting how other people in my social world react to my performances. Research has shown that when young children begin to make attributions about themselves, they start simple (Harter, 2006). At age 4, Jessica knows that she has dark hair, knows that she lives in a white house, and describes herself to others in terms of simple behavioral traits. They convey what I reflexively perceive to be my overall acting style, based in part on how I think others see me as an actor in many different social situations. Roles capture the quality, as I perceive it, of important structured relationships in my life. Taken together, traits and roles make up the main features of my social reputation, as I apprehend it in my own mind (Hogan, 1982). If you have ever tried hard to change yourself, you may have taken aim at your social reputation, targeting your central traits or your social roles. Maybe you woke up one day and decided that you must become a more optimistic and emotionally upbeat person. Taking into consideration the reflected appraisals of others, you realized that even your friends seem to avoid you because you bring them down. Research suggests that broad traits tend to be stubborn, resistant to change, even with the aid of psychotherapy. To become a more effective social actor, you may want to take aim at the important roles you play in life. How can I find new and meaningful roles to perform at work, or in my family, or among my friends, or in my church and community By doing concrete things that enrich your performances in important social roles, you may begin to see yourself in a new light, and others will notice the change, too. Social actors hold the potential to transform their performances across the human life course. We can see actors act, but we cannot know for sure what they want or what they value, unless they tell us straightaway. As a social actor, a person may come across as friendly and compassionate, or Self and Identity 916 cynical and mean-spirited, but in neither case can we infer their motivations from their traits or their roles.

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In contrast menopause goddess blog purchase ginette-35 visa, a single quality womens health articles purchase ginette-35 overnight delivery, like extreme distance from the average face menstruation 2 weeks apart discount ginette-35 2mg amex, is sufficient for low attractiveness menstruation no bleeding ginette-35 2 mg with mastercard. Although certain physical qualities are generally viewed as more attractive women's health clinic rockingham buy ginette-35 mastercard, anatomy is not destiny women's health issues in cambodia discount ginette-35 2mg online. Cultural, cognitive, evolutionary, and overgeneralization explanations have been offered to account for why certain people are deemed attractive. Early explanations suggested that attractiveness was based on what a culture preferred. This is supported by the many variations in ornamentation, jewelry, and body modification that different cultures use to convey attractiveness. For example, the long neck on the woman shown in Figure 1 is unlikely to be judged attractive by Westerners. Yet, long necks have been preferred in a traditional Myanmar tribe, because they are thought to resemble a mythological dragon who spawned them. Despite cultural variations like this, research has provided strong evidence against the claim that attractiveness is only due to social learning. Moreover, 12-month-olds are less likely to smile at or play with a stranger who is wearing a lifelike mask judged unattractive by adults than a mask judged as attractive (Langlois, Roggman, & Rieser-Danner, 1990). In addition, people across many cultures, including individuals in the Amazon rainforest who are isolated from Western culture, view the same faces as attractive (Cunningham, Roberts, Barbee, Druen, & Wu, 1995; Zebrowitz et al. In particular, whereas people from diverse cultures agree that very thin, emaciated-looking bodies are unattractive, they differ more in their appraisal of heavier bodies. Larger bodies are viewed more negatively in Western European cultures than other countries, especially those with lower socioeconomic statuses (Swami et al. There also is evidence that African Americans judge overweight women less harshly than do European Americans (Hebl & Heatherton, 1997). Although cultural learning makes some contribution to who we find attractive, the universal elements of attractiveness require a culturally universal explanation. One suggestion is that attractiveness is a by-product of a more general cognitive mechanism that leads us to recognize and prefer familiar stimuli. People prefer category members that are closer to a category prototype, or the average member of the category, over those that are at the extremes of a category. Thus, people find average stimuli more attractive whether they are human faces, cars, or animals (Halberstadt, 2006). Also, individual faces that have been morphed toward an average face are more attractive than those that have been morphed away from average (see Figure 2; face from Martinez & Benevente, 1998). The preference for stimuli closer to a category prototype is also consistent with the fact that we prefer men with more masculine physical qualities and women with more feminine ones. This preference would further predict that the people who are most attractive depend on our learning experiences, since what is average or prototypical in a face, voice, or body will depend on the people we have seen. Consistent with an effect of learning experiences, young infants prefer face morphs that are an average of faces they have previously seen over morphs that are an average of novel faces (Rubenstein, Kalakanis, & Langlois, 1999). Short-term perceptual experiences can influence judgments of attractiveness even in adults. Brief exposure to a series of faces with the same distortion increases the rated attractiveness of new faces with that distortion (Rhodes, Jeffery, Watson, Clifford, & Nakayama, 2003), and exposure to morphs of human and chimpanzee faces increases the rated attractiveness of new human faces morphed with a small degree of chimpanzee face (Principe & Langlois, 2012). One reason average stimuli, including faces, may be preferred is that they are easy to Attraction and Beauty 855 Figure 2. Another possible reason average stimuli may be preferred is that we may be less apprehensive about familiar-looking stimuli (Zajonc, 2001). All other things equal, we prefer stimuli we have seen before over novel ones, a mere-exposure effect, and we also prefer stimuli that are similar to those we have seen before, a generalized mere-exposure effect. Consistent with a reduced apprehensiveness mechanism, exposure to other-race faces reduced neural activation in a region that responds to negatively valenced stimuli, not only for the faces the participants saw, but also new faces from the familiarized other-race category (Zebrowitz & Zhang, 2012). Such a generalized mere-exposure effect also could explain the preference for average stimuli, which look more familiar, although the effect may be more reliable for judgments of likeability than attractiveness (Rhodes, Halberstadt, & Brajkovich, 2001; Rhodes, Halberstadt, Jeffery, & Palermo, 2005). Whether due to ease of Attraction and Beauty 856 categorization or less apprehensiveness, the cognitive explanation holds that certain people are more attractive because perceptual learning has rendered them more familiar. In contrast to the cognitive explanation for why we find particular people attractive, the evolutionary explanation argues that preferences developed because it was adaptive to prefer those individuals. More specifically, the good genes hypothesis proposes that people with physical qualities like averageness, symmetry, sex prototypicality, and youthfulness are more attractive because they are better-quality mates. Mate quality may reflect better health, greater fertility, or better genetic traits that lead to better offspring and hence greater reproductive success (Thornhill & Gangestad, 1999). Theoretically, averageness and symmetry provide evidence of genetic fitness because they show the ability to develop normally despite environmental stressors (Scheib, Gangestad, & Thornhill, 1999). Averageness also signals genetic diversity (Thornhill & Gangestad, 1999), which is associated with a strong immune system (Penn, Damjanovich, & Potts, 2002). High masculinity in male faces may indicate fitness because it shows an ability to withstand the stress that testosterone places on the immune system (Folstad & Karter, 1992). High femininity in female faces may signal fitness by indicating sexual maturity and fertility. The evolutionary account also can explain the attractiveness of youthfulness, since aging is often associated with declines in cognitive and physical functioning and decreased fertility. Some researchers have investigated whether attractiveness actually does signal mate quality by examining the relationship between facial attractiveness and health (see Rhodes, 2006, for a review). In particular, people rated very low in attractiveness, averageness, or masculinity (in the case of men) tend to have poorer health than those who are average in these qualities. However, people rated high in attractiveness, averageness, or masculinity do not differ from those who are average (Zebrowitz & Rhodes, 2004). Low body attractiveness, as indexed by overweight or a sex-atypical waist-to-hip ratio, also may be associated with poorer health or lower fertility in women (Singh & Singh, 2011). Others have assessed whether attractiveness signals mate quality by examining the relationship with intelligence, since more intelligent mates may increase reproductive success. Also, since intelligence is heritable, more intelligent mates may yield more intelligent offspring, who have a better chance of passing genes on to the next generation (Miller & Todd, 1998). The evidence indicates Attraction and Beauty 857 that attractiveness is positively correlated with intelligence. However, as in the case of health, the relationship is weak, and it appears to be largely due to lower-than-average intelligence among those who are very low in attractiveness rather than higher-than-average intelligence among those who are highly attractive (Zebrowitz & Rhodes, 2004). These results are consistent with the fact that subtle negative deviations from average attractiveness can signal low fitness. For example, minor facial anomalies that are too subtle for the layperson to recognize as a genetic anomaly are associated with lower intelligence (Foroud et al. Although the level of attractiveness provides a valid cue to low, but not high, intelligence or health, it is important to bear in mind that attractiveness is only a weak predictor of these traits, even in the range where it has some validity. The finding that low, but not high, attractiveness can be diagnostic of actual traits is consistent with another explanation for why we find particular people attractive. This has been dubbed anomalous face overgeneralization, but it could equally apply to anomalous voices or bodies. The evolutionary account has typically assumed that as attractiveness increases, so does fitness, and it has emphasized the greater fitness of highly attractive individuals, a good genes effect (Buss, 1989). In contrast, the overgeneralization hypothesis argues that the level of attractiveness provides an accurate index only of low fitness. On this account, the attractiveness halo effect is a by-product of reactions to low fitness. More specifically, we overgeneralize the adaptive tendency to use low attractiveness as an indication of lower-than-average health and intelligence, and we mistakenly use higher-than-average attractiveness as an indication of higher-than-average health and intelligence (Zebrowitz & Rhodes, 2004). The overgeneralization hypothesis differs from the evolutionary hypothesis in another important respect. It is concerned with the importance of detecting low fitness not only when choosing a mate, but also in other social interactions. This is consistent with the fact that the attractiveness halo effect is present in many domains. As we have seen, there is some support for this prediction, but the effects are too weak and circumscribed to fully explain the strong halo effect in response to highly attractive people. In addition, it is important to recognize that whatever accuracy there is does not necessarily imply a genetic link between attractiveness and adaptive traits, such as health or intelligence. For example, the quality of nutrition and that a person receives may have an impact on the development of both attractiveness and health (Whitehead, Ozakinci, Stephen, & Perrett, 2012). Another non-genetic explanation is a self-fulfilling prophecy effect (Snyder, Tanke, & Berscheid, 1977). For example, the higher expectations that teachers have for more attractive students may nurture higher intelligence, an effect that has been shown when teachers have Attraction and Beauty 858 high expectations for reasons other than appearance (Rosenthal, 2003). More attractive people are favored not only as romantic partners but, more surprisingly, by their parents, peers, teachers, employers, and even judges and voters. Moreover, there is substantial agreement about who is attractive, with infants and perceivers from diverse cultures showing similar responses. Although this suggests that cultural influences cannot completely explain attractiveness, experience does have an influence. The cognitive account attributes higher attractiveness to the ease of processing prototypes or the safety associated with familiar stimuli. The evolutionary account attributes higher attractiveness to the adaptive value of preferring physical qualities that signal better health or genetic fitness when choosing mates. The overgeneralization account attributes higher attractiveness to the overgeneralization of an adaptive avoidance of physical qualities that signal poor health or low genetic fitness. Although there is debate as to which explanation is best, it is important to realize that all of the proposed mechanisms may have some validity. Attraction and Beauty 859 Outside Resources Video: Multiple videos realted to the science of beauty dsc. Why do you think the attractiveness halo exists even though there is very little evidence that attractive people are more intelligent or healthy How do you think evolutionary theories of why faces are attractive apply in a modern world, where people are much more likely to survive and reproduce, regardless of how intelligent or healthy they are Which of the theories do you think provides the most compelling explanation for why we find certain people attractive Attraction and Beauty 860 Vocabulary Anomalous face overgeneralization hypothesis Proposes that the attractiveness halo effect is a by-product of reactions to low fitness. People overgeneralize the adaptive tendency to use low attractiveness as an indicator of negative traits, like low health or intelligence, and mistakenly use higher-than-average attractiveness as an indicator of high health or intelligence. Attractiveness halo effect the tendency to associate attractiveness with a variety of positive traits, such as being more sociable, intelligent, competent, and healthy. Mere-exposure effect the tendency to prefer stimuli that have been seen before over novel ones. There also is a generalized mere-exposure effect shown in a preference for stimuli that are similar to those that have been seen before. Morph A face or other image that has been transformed by a computer program so that it is a mixture of multiple images. Pretty pleases: the effects of physical attractiveness, race, and sex on receiving help. Sex differences in human mate preferences: Evolutionary hypotheses tested in 37 cultures. Measuring the physical in physical attractiveness: Quasi experiments on the sociobiology of female facial beauty. Sex and physical attractiveness of raters and applicants as determinants of resume evaluations. Gender differences in effects of physical attractiveness on romantic attraction: A comparison across five research paradigms. Relation over time between facial measurements and cognitive outcomes in Attraction and Beauty 862 fetal alcohol-exposed children. A dual-process account of female facial attractiveness preferences: Sexual and nonsexual routes. The effects of physical attractiveness on job-related outcomes: A meta-analysis of experimental studies. No fat persons need apply: Experimental studies of the overweight stereotype and hiring preference. Partnership status and the temporal context of relationships influence human female preferences for sexual dimorphism in male face shape. Beyond personality impressions: Effects of physical and vocal attractiveness on false consensus, social comparison, affiliation, and assumed and perceived similarity. Shifting the prototype: Experience with faces influences affective and attractiveness preferences. Intrasexual competition among women: Vocal femininity affects perceptions of attractiveness and flirtatiousness. Social perception and interpersonal behavior: On the self-fulfilling nature of social stereotypes. The attractiveness halo: Why some candidates are perceived more favorably than others.

Whether you experience the bad with the good depends on how you want to feel: Understanding cultural differences in the relationship between positive and negative affect menstruation and anxiety order discount ginette-35 on-line. Is expressive suppression always associated with poorer psychological functioning The shifting basis of life satisfaction judgments across cultures: Emotions versus norms menstruation on depo provera discount ginette-35 2 mg without a prescription. Autonomic women's health raspberry ketone order cheap ginette-35 line, subjective breast cancer inspirational quotes safe ginette-35 2 mg, and expressive responses to emotional films in older and younger Chinese Americans and European Americans womens health 8 healthy eating instagram discount ginette-35 2 mg online. Ideal affect across the life span: A comparison of European American womens health jacksonville generic 2mg ginette-35 with amex, Chinese American, and Hong Kong Chinese. Cultural differences in using the eyes and mouth as cues to recognize emotions in Japan and the United States. This module looks at the knowledge emotions, a family of emotional states that foster learning, exploring, and reflecting. Surprise, interest, confusion, and awe come from events that are unexpected, complicated, and mentally challenging, and they motivate learning in its broadest sense, be it learning over the course of seconds (finding the source of a loud crash, as in surprise) or over a lifetime (engaging with hobbies, pastimes, and intellectual pursuits, as in interest). The module reviews research on each emotion, with an emphasis on causes, consequences, and individual differences. As a group, the knowledge emotions motivate people to engage with new and puzzling things rather than avoid them. Knowledge Emotions: Feelings that Foster Learning, Exploring, and Reflecting 1116 Introduction What comes to mind when you think of emotions This module considers the knowledge emotions, a profoundly important family of emotions associated with learning, exploring, and reflecting. The family of knowledge emotions has four main members: surprise, interest, confusion, and awe. First, the events that bring them about involve knowledge: these emotions happen when something violates what people expected or believed. Second, these emotions are fundamental to learning: Over time, they build useful knowledge about the world. Some Background About Emotions Before jumping into the knowledge emotions, we should consider what emotions do and when emotions happen. According to functionalist theories of emotion, emotions help people manage important tasks (Keltner & Gross, 1999; Parrott, 2001). Fear, for example, mobilizes the body to fight or flee; happiness rewards achieving goals and builds attachments to other people. Surprise, for example, makes people stop what they are doing, pay attention to the surprising thing, and evaluate whether it is dangerous (Simons, 1996). After a couple seconds, people have learned what they needed to know and get back to what they were doing. Interest, for example, motivates people to learn about things over days, weeks, and years. After all, if things in the world directly caused emotions, everyone would always have the same emotion in response to something. Appraisal theories (Ellsworth & Scherer, 2003; Lazarus, 1991) propose that each emotion is caused by a group of appraisals, which are evaluations Knowledge Emotions: Feelings that Foster Learning, Exploring, and Reflecting 1117 and judgments of what events in the world mean for our goals and well-being: Is this relevant to me Figure 1 shows this pattern visually: Surprise is high when unexpectedness is high. Emotions are momentary states, but people vary in their propensity to experience them. Just as some people experience happiness, anger, and fear more readily, some people are much more easily surprised than others. At one end, some people are hard to surprise; at the other end, people are startled by minor noises, flashes, and changes. Like other individual differences in emotion, extreme levels of surprise propensity can be dysfunctional. Humans must learn virtually everything they know, from how to cook pasta to how the brain works, and interest is an engine of this massive undertaking of learning across the lifespan. The function of interest is to engage people with things that are new, odd, or unfamiliar. When curious, people want to learn something for its own sake, to know it for the simple pleasure of knowing it, not for an external reward, such as learning to get money, impress a peer, or receive the approval of a teacher or parent. Knowledge Emotions: Feelings that Foster Learning, Exploring, and Reflecting 1119 Figure 1 shows the two appraisals that create interest. Like surprise, interest involves appraisals of novelty: Things that are unexpected, unfamiliar, novel, and complex can evoke interest (Berlyne, 1960; Hidi & Renninger, 2006; Silvia, 2008). But unlike surprise, interest involves an additional appraisal of coping potential. When coping potential is high, people feel capable of handling the challenge at hand. For interest, this challenge is mental: Something odd and unexpected happened, and people can either feel able to understand it or not. When people encounter something that they appraise as both novel (high novelty and complexity) and comprehensible (high coping potential), they will find it interesting (Silvia, 2005). The primary effect of interest is exploration: People will explore and think about the new and intriguing thing, be it an interesting object, person, or idea. By stimulating people to reflect and learn, interest builds knowledge and, in the long run, deep expertise. Consider, for example, the sometimes scary amount of knowledge people have about their hobbies. A huge amount of research shows that interest promotes learning that is faster, deeper, better, and more enjoyable (Hidi, 2001; Silvia, 2006). When people find material more interesting, they engage with it more deeply and learn it more thoroughly. Individual differences in interest are captured by trait curiosity(Kashdan, 2004; Kashdan et al. People low in curiosity prefer activities and ideas that are tried and true and familiar; people high in curiosity, in contrast, prefer things that are offbeat and new. Trait curiosity is a facet of openness to experience, a broader trait that is one of the five major factors of personality (McCrae, 1996; McCrae & Sutin, 2009). Not surprisingly, being high in openness to experience involves exploring new things and findings quirky things appealing. Confusion Knowledge Emotions: Feelings that Foster Learning, Exploring, and Reflecting 1120 Sometimes the world is weird. Confusion happens when people are learning something that is both unfamiliar and hard to understand. In the appraisal space shown in Figure 1, confusion comes from appraising an event as high in novelty, complexity, and unfamiliarity as well as appraising it as hard to comprehend (Silvia, 2010, 2013). In an approach to learning known as impasse-driven learning (VanLehn, Siler, Murray, Yamauchi, & Baggett, 2003), making students confused motivates them to think through a problem instead of passively sitting and listening to what a teacher is saying. By actively thinking through the problem, students are learning actively and thus learning the material more deeply. The tutors sometimes contradicted each other, however, which made the students confused. Not much is known about individual differences related to confusion, but differences in how much people know are important. In one research study, people viewed short film clips from movies submitted to a local film festival (Silvia & Berg, 2011). Some of the people were film experts, such as professors and graduate students in media studies and film theory; others were novices, such as the rest of us who simply watch movies for fun. The experts found the clips much more interesting and much less confusing than the novices did. A similar study discovered that experts in the arts found experimental visual art more interesting and less confusing than novices did (Silvia, 2013). When people are asked to describe profound experiences, such as the experience of beauty or spiritual transformation, awe is usually mentioned (Cohen, Gruber, & Keltner, 2010). People are likely to report experiencing awe when they are alone, engaged with art and music, or in nature (Shiota, Keltner, & Mossman, 2007). First, people appraise something as vast, as beyond the normal scope of their experience. Chills involve getting goosebumps on the skin, especially the scalp, neck, back, and arms, usually as a wave that starts at the head and moves downward. Chills are part of strong awe experiences, but people often experience them in response to everyday events, such as compelling music and movies (Maruskin, Thrash, & Elliot, 2012; Nusbaum & Silvia, 2011). Music that evokes chills, for example, tends to be loud, have a wide frequency range (such as both low and high frequencies), and major dynamic shifts, such as a shift from quiet to loud or a shift from few to many instruments (Huron & Margulis, 2010). Like the other knowledge emotions, awe motivates people to engage with something outside the ordinary.

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